In a survey I published on social media at the end of 2025 to inform this report, 73% of the Sudanese women who participated said they had been subjected to violence on social media because of their political views, while 78% confirmed that this violence had increased significantly after the April 15 war. Yet the most telling figure was not the scale of the violence, but the scale of the silence: about 48% of the victims did not report what they had endured.

This reality cannot be separated from a long history of violence against women in both times of peace and war. Women are subjected to it from all directions: from the violence of authority and official institutions, to domestic violence in all its forms, to violence from strangers in the street, in workplaces, and on social media. Violence against women takes multiple forms that shift across time and place. Before the modern era, it was largely confined to direct forms of violence, sexual harassment, verbal abuse, physical assault, murder, rape, and restrictions on work or confinement to cheap or unpaid labor. 

Today, however, the scope of violence has expanded as women themselves have entered different spaces, including the digital sphere, where tools of violence are now wielded from behind phone screens.

Scope of violence has expanded as women themselves have entered different spaces, including the digital sphere, where tools of violence are now wielded from behind phone screens. Source: Radionationale.tn

The evolution of violence through history: between instinct and power

Historically, violence has been linked to human nature itself. Since the story of Cain and Abel, many religious narratives, myths, and philosophical theories have rested on the idea that violence is an innate and often unjustified human instinct. It also varies according to one’s position within hierarchies of power, capability, or leadership. People use violence as a means of control or when they feel threatened in their lives, property, or privileges. In her work on violence, the German philosopher and writer Hannah Arendt argues that there has been a historical conflation between the concepts of violence, authority, power, strength, and domination. She critiques the political misuse of these terms as interchangeable with violence, stating: “The correct use of these words is not merely a matter of logical grammar, but of historical perspective.

”We must recognize the danger of violence and resist normalizing it as simply another instrument of authority, domination, power, or strength, as some philosophers describe it, “the most visible manifestation of power.” Because male violence against women stems from patriarchal domination and authority, it must never be justified as a tool of power; it is a practice and behavior that stands on its own.

Violence has evolved alongside human development. Zygmunt Bauman suggests that humans invented hunting as an alternative outlet for violence, directing it toward animals rather than fellow humans. As societies formed, first groups, then tribes, then clans, and eventually kingdoms and states, violence shifted from individual acts to collective ones: group against group rather than person against person. 

Raids gave way to wars, and the tools of violence evolved from blades to heavy weaponry, to nuclear bombs. When the United States dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima in 1945, it did not only signal the necessity of rejecting war, but also revealed humanity’s boundless capacity for violence and extreme brutality in humiliating others. This marked the beginning of an era in which the global arms market flourished, eventually leading to the use of technology and artificial intelligence in waging war, killing, displacement, and terror.

Violence in the context of war

Since the outbreak of war in Sudan, the Sudanese people have become divided between two camps, with no room for a meaningful third position. Accepting differing opinions is no longer a simple disagreement on social media; it has escalated into hostility that can reach the level of death threats. Sudanese women are not isolated from the country’s political conflicts, nor from the violence accompanying the war. 

UN reports have documented cases of Sudanese women being subjected to rape and abduction during the current conflict, while others have been detained by both sides of the war because of their differing positions. Beyond all this, social media platforms have become new battlegrounds for settling political and social disputes. Each time a woman expresses her opinion online, she often finds herself facing waves of insults and threats.

Maya (a pseudonym), speaking to Andariya says that the digital spaces she once relied on as an escape from the realities of war have themselves become sites of war, one that is doubly harsh on women. Maya is a feminist activist who shares feminist content and opinions on her social media accounts, especially Facebook. She notes a clear rise in violence directed at women: any opinion a woman posts is attacked; women’s photos are easily stolen; and they are threatened simply for holding different political views.

“Guardianship has intensified, threats have increased, and bullying targeting women’s appearance and clothing has become more severe. This is partly because Sudanese men have lost many privileges during the war—except one: control over women.”

Since the war began, Maya has faced blackmail and death threats from men she does not know. One of them even took her photo and tried to use it against her simply because she expressed a feminist political opinion. “At that moment, I felt that fear was no longer just in the streets like before, it was now in my phone too, more clearly and more intensely than before the war.”

Figure 1 using CLAUDIA - Forms of Digital Violence

The psychological impacts of digital violence

In her study on the digital revolution among Sudanese women and the violent backlash, Dr. Nadia Al-Saqqaf notes that the Sudanese revolution brought about a significant shift in women’s political and social participation, as well as their expression of opinions in the digital sphere. However, this also led to an increase in the level of violence and harassment directed at them online. Out of 87 participants in the study, half reported experiencing digital violence, while 90% stated they were unaware of any organizations offering technical or psychological support.

In a similar study titled New Arenas of Repression: An Analysis of the Dynamics of Digital Violence and Its Impact on Women’s Political Participation in Sudan, the researcher explains that, from a social and cultural perspective, both violence and digital violence are directly shaped by prevailing norms that reinforce a culture of victim-blaming. This discourages survivors from reporting abuse. When an activist is subjected to defamation campaigns or blackmail, she often faces social stigma, which makes many women hesitant to report such crimes or seek help in the future. There is also a degree of normalization of digital violence, where it is seen as a way to “protect values” or to deter women from stepping outside traditional roles.

According to a 2025 report published by the Hopes and Action Foundation, an organization working to combat digital violence in Sudan, there is a very clear gender bias in the Sudanese digital space. Women are disproportionately targeted by attacks, which significantly affects not only their opportunities but also their psychological well-being.

The effects of digital violence are not limited to fear; they can develop into feelings of isolation, withdrawal from using various platforms, and a persistent sense of insecurity. Maya sought psychological support in Egypt due to the intensity of what she experienced on Facebook: “She was understanding, but I still felt there was a gap, because the Sudanese experience is tied to its political and social context, and not every specialist can fully grasp it. The conditions of war and gender-based violence in Sudan are very different.”

Tagwa (a pseudonym) also shares her experience, saying that people have become more brazen in online harassment after the war, through verbal threats, images, and even the sharing of personal information without consent. She says: “I’ve gone through many situations, whenever I post my opinions, strangers send me abusive messages. They’ve shared my personal information and even my photos, including ones from private groups. I felt scared and anxious, and I was very uncomfortable.” Despite the psychological toll, her sense of isolation, and a loss of trust, Tagwa has not sought therapy following these experiences.

Figure 2 using CLAUDIA - Psychological and Social Effects

Legal gaps and lack of monitoring

Fewer than 40% of countries have legislation addressing cyber harassment or stalking. In sub-Saharan Africa, only 25% of countries provide legal protection, according to a UN Women Africa report. In addition, 28% of women interviewed in Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Senegal, and South Africa reported experiencing some form of online violence. In a study conducted by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and the African Parliamentary Union (APU), 42% of African female parliamentarians interviewed said they had received death, rape, assault, or kidnapping threats, typically via online platforms.

Digital violence is a crime like any other and should be prosecuted accordingly. However, social media spaces are not fully safe environments for all women; levels of safety vary depending on geography. In Africa, for instance, most countries lack strict laws against digital violence and do not have strong policy agreements with platforms such as Meta. Within this legal fragility and vacuum, forms of digital violence grow at a devastating pace. This is further compounded by the war in Sudan, where a wide security vacuum in the physical world is directly reflected in the digital sphere.

In Sudan, there is no clear law specifically addressing violence against women in digital spaces. However, there is the Information Act of 2007, which includes provisions related to blackmail, threats, and impersonation. The law was amended in 2018 and most recently in 2025, with penalties increased to up to 10 years in prison. The law also allows for the prosecution of perpetrators even if they are outside Sudan, as long as the victim or harm is located within the country.

Digital violence is a crime like any other and should be prosecuted accordingly. Source: UNDP

Nevertheless, the law is criticized for being misused against journalists and broader freedoms of expression and opinion. Beyond that, legal procedures do not provide women with sufficient safety or confidence to report cases, as complaints are often obstructed. Many believe the law exists primarily for other state purposes rather than for protecting users of digital spaces.

In Egypt, by contrast, the Cybercrime Law of 2018 includes provisions related to blackmail, privacy violations, “family values,” and impersonation. These laws are considered more effective, and reporting mechanisms are less complicated than in Sudan—especially given the current context of war in Sudan.

In the survey I conducted, about 48% of victims said they did not report what they had experienced, while 18% considered reporting but ultimately withdrew. This means that two-thirds of those affected did not reach any official body, indicating a lack of trust in the justice and monitoring institutions responsible for these cases. Regarding reasons for not reporting, 48% believed reporting would not make any difference, 37% lacked trust in the relevant authorities, and 22% feared repercussions.

According to Maya, in Sudan before the war, the law was not in women’s favor. After the war, specialized and monitoring bodies disappeared altogether, along with any real possibility of filing a legal complaint against a harasser or abuser. As a result, the only available mechanism, in her view, is to speak out on social media platforms. Even then, women are met with all forms of violence, guardianship, and defamation. At times, victims fear social stigma and are forced into silence. She adds: “Legal protection is still weak, and sometimes impossible given the scale of harm.”

According to the survey, some women stated that bullying and digital violence sometimes come from activist groups within civil society itself, not necessarily from hostile groups. Tagwa believes that violence is most prevalent on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter/X. She adds that digital violence reproduces the same patterns of domination and humiliation found in physical and psychological violence. It is a form of misogyny because it seeks to intimidate women and restrict their freedom even online.

Chart 3 using CLAIDAI - The platforms most used for violence

TikTok: a digital space beyond censorship

One of the platforms with the fewest effective restrictions at present is TikTok, which makes it easier to use for bullying, exclusion, and various forms of abuse, whether during live streams, video content, or in comment sections. Many Sudanese female influencers on TikTok are subjected to repeated, near-daily harassment. Some resort to disabling comments as a partial solution; however, attacks continue across other platforms such as Facebook and Twitter/X.

Women in Sudan have led several attempts to curb digital violence, particularly online harassment on social media, through campaigns such as #Expose_The_Harasser. This campaign created a sense of fear among perpetrators. However, survivors often faced retaliation in the form of blackmail and intimidation from the friends and families of the accused harassers.

Testimonies from the Digital Space

Experiences of Sudanese women – digital violence after April 2023

Every time I spoke, the issues were personalized and I was insulted and my words were dismissed on the basis that I am not a man and therefore do not understand… Because of this, I stopped writing for more than a year.

Activist – 25 to 34 years old

Based outside Sudan

Bullying

Girls who are seen as neutral toward the army are labeled as supporters of the Rapid Support Forces, so they are subjected to violence and harassment based on their position. Violence against women on social media has been increasing after the April 15 war.

Respondent – 45 to 54 years old

Kampala, Uganda

Political targeting

When I publish content related to peace and ending the war, I am subjected to a wave of harsh criticism and accused of belonging to other factions… They share links to my writing and try to portray me as unprofessional.

Writer and activist

Based outside Sudan

Defamation

Digital violence scientifically contributes to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), chronic anxiety, reduced self-esteem, hypervigilance, and social withdrawal. Accordingly, Maya recommended increasing pressure on Meta to improve protection mechanisms in Sudan, rethinking societal perceptions of misogyny and its connection to digital violence, and establishing clear laws that criminalize online blackmail and harassment and remain enforceable even in wartime conditions.

In addition, participants in the survey recommended “activating deterrent cybercrime laws that ensure accountability and prevent impunity; breaking the silence; collective solidarity against perpetrators and not yielding to blackmail; raising awareness about digital security and equipping women with tools for protection and privacy; and training police and judicial personnel who are gender-sensitive and take reports seriously.” The participants also called for combating hate speech and accepting difference as a fundamental step toward stopping digital violence, emphasizing that the war must first end in order for both digital and physical safety to return to the country.

Research Methodology

The questionnaire was designed using Google Forms and relied on a mix of closed-ended questions (allowing multiple selections) and open-ended questions that enabled participants to express their experiences in their own voices. The survey was distributed anonymously within Sudanese women’s Facebook groups, which include a large number of Sudanese women from diverse backgrounds and political perspectives, as well as through WhatsApp groups and direct personal communication. The methodology required maintaining the confidentiality of participants’ identities to ensure they felt safe while responding, which allowed for more candid and in-depth contributions. The two direct testimonies from Maya and Taqwa were collected through individual, direct communication with each of them.